国际中文开源期刊平台

N400 Prediction Effects in Relative Constructions

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语言与认知科学 / 2015,1(1)：23−54 / 2015-08-26 783 935

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• 作者： Huili      Wang*,      Ling      Meng      and      Shuo      Cao     
• 单位：

  Institute for Language and Cognition, School of
  Foreign Languages, Dalian University of Technology

• 关键词： Chinese relative construction; N400; relatedness proportion; semantic prediction
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• 摘要： --
• When a context of a strongly constrained sentence structure is formed, N400 as the ERP component of the follow-up word of the structure will be reduced in amplitude. Two accounts can explain this: a passive activation account and a contextual-based prediction account. A dispute lies in the extent of how each of these accounts influences the N400 element reduction. This issue is addressed in the present paper in Chinese relative construction context by formatting semantically associated Chinese relative construction prime and word target pairs within an experimental context that encouraged prediction. The proportion of related pairs was used to modulate the predictive validity of the relative construction prime for the target while holding constant semantic association. A semantic category probe detection task was used to encourage subjects to process semantic meaning of these experimental pairs without their preferences to the trial content of interest. A larger N400 reduction to related targets was observed in the high-proportion block of relatedness than under the low condition. The results support the hypothesis that N400 effects emerge in the predictions of upcoming input. The results suggest that predictability modulates N400 amplitude in a dominant way in a constrained context like Chinese relative constructions.
• DOI： https://doi.org/10.17923/LCS201501002
• 引用： Huili Wang，Ling Meng，Shuo Cao．N400 Prediction Effects in Relative Constructions［J］．Language and Cognitive Science，2015，1（1）：23−54．